Tuesday, 13 October 2015

An Absurd Claim From Psychologists About Matching & Mismatching



An interesting claim has been made in the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology that finding a partner that will make you happy isn't so much about finding a well-matched person, but about being a happy person yourself and finding someone who is generally a happy person too. Although the claim is interesting, it is also absurd:

"Three very large, nationally representative samples of married couples were used to examine the relative importance of 3 types of personality effects on relationship and life satisfaction. … Using data sets from Australia (N = 5,278), the United Kingdom (N = 6,554), and Germany (N = 11,418) … Actor effects accounted for approximately 6% of the variance in relationship satisfaction and between 10% and 15% of the variance in life satisfaction. Partner effects (which were largest for Agreeableness, Conscientiousness, and Emotional Stability) accounted for between 1% and 3% of the variance in relationship satisfaction and between 1% and 2% of the variance in life satisfaction. Couple similarity consistently explained less than .5% of the variance in life and relationship satisfaction after controlling for actor and partner effects."

What makes it absurd is that there is an obvious error of reasoning here. In surveying only married couples there is a large and substantial omission of all those potential couples that never got together due to not being well matched and not having the kind of character qualities the study is considering. Consequently, then, this survey does not demonstrate that being well-matched is unimportant.

Suppose the psychologists are wrong and being well-matched really does matter - surveying only married couples is not going to confirm this because it omits all the instances (instances you'd find in a random survey) where potential marriages broke up because of mismatched personalities.

The other problem is that even among married couples there are going to be many who are (still) together not because of wonderfully matched personalities, but because of other mutually attracting forces such as physical attraction, religious commonality, children, money, or convenience that override personality mismatching. Furthermore, there are, doubtless, many mismatched couples who got together because of ticking biological clocks, fear of being single and concern about whether either of them will ever find someone to settle down with.

The upshot is, the results of the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology survey quoted above are perfectly consistent with a world in which ideal matching of personality isn't all that important, but they are also perfectly consistent with a world in which ideal matching of personality is very important, which means the survey isn't telling us what is being claimed.

Monday, 12 October 2015

Does The Term 'Moral Law' Have Any Practical Relevance?



Throughout his writings Thomas Aquinas believed that moral awareness is a kind of natural law that inheres in the nature of things, due to our being made in the image of God. C.S. Lewis, in his The Abolition of Man, posited a variant on the natural law idea (what he called the "Tao”) - appending the idea of a moral law as having a real, objective platonic existence independent of human evolution

Now as regards the idea of a moral law, it might be easier to posit a set of maxims that convey universal wisdom if everyone agreed on every moral issue – but as you probably have noticed, they do not. In some cases it is difficult to find a universally applicable set of truths on which humanity can have coalescence of ideals, whereas in other cases there are consistent consensus-views pretty much right across the board. 
 
If we wish to state some moral truths as being near-universal, and by that we mean that they apply to humanity in general by virtue of the evidential ways we can strive to live as peacefully as we can in co-existence, or even simply as evolved mental compositions out of which human minds are made, then I have no objection. Even if a universal consensus is too difficult to obtain, this would at least make the concept of the 'moral law' a semantic utility with which we can create targets and goals to which individuals would find it beneficial to aspire. 

So regarding morality, instead of it being a 'law' in the sense that Newton's law of gravitation is a law, what we have is more of a set of universal maxims for humanity; they are, in a sense, universal ideas we have constituted that benefit the survival, propagation and quality of life of the human race.

A fairly obvious corollary ought to follow – morality is describable in terms of ‘laws’ in the same way that, say, human physiology is describable in terms of ‘laws’ – a moral law like ‘it is good if we do no intentional harm to innocent people’ is comparable to something like ‘it is good for our bodies if we take on optimum liquid, eat healthily, and have optimum exercise’. The reason they can be called ‘laws’ is not because they convey universal truths about nature – nature is fallen like us and has no absolute strategy when it comes to humans – it is because they show a highly consistent probability of returning positive outcomes much more frequently that negative ones. 

Such laws do not have to be absolutely true in every given scenario, they only need relate to a series of tangibly accurate hypotheses and associated rules that are accepted as being the best ideological or methodological systems for a particular set of phenomena related to humanity.

Sunday, 11 October 2015

If Amazon Behaved Like A Friend



I must have bought over one hundred books from Amazon since its inception - but, alas, I don't know what is up with Amazon's book recommendation algorithm. Apart from the obvious low-hanging fruit it seems to be pretty mediocre at suggesting books for me based on past purchases.

When you're round someone's house their bookshelves are a great way to gauge information about them - you can get a fairly good idea of their education, interests, passions, tastes, beliefs and background - and more importantly here, you can use those observations to suggest books for them with consummate ease.

This leads me to believe either that Amazon's data mining is not as proficient as it could be, or that it's another good example of how there is, and will always be, a significant qualitative discontinuity between computers and the intuitively perceptive abilities of the human brain.

I had an idea a while ago about how interesting a book recommendation of *opposites* or *thematic alternatives* would be for, say, one day a week, where through data mining sellers don't suggest all the same kind of books, but deliberately suggested radically different ones to diversify your tastes and experiences.

So instead of saying, "Hey I see you bought Steven Pinker, Jared Diamond and Malcolm Gladwell, why not try Matt Ridley and Steven J Dubner and Oliver Sacks?" - they'd instead say "Hey I see you bought Jackie Collins, Ricky Gervais and Andy McNab, why not try Soren Kierkegaard, Charlotte Bronte and Thomas Aquinas?"
 
If Amazon behaved like a friend, and really wanted the best for you rather than simply trying to sell you more of what you've already bought, it would throw up a few of those opposites and thematic alternatives to help you keep your thinking fresh and diverse.  

Wednesday, 7 October 2015

If Jeremy Corbyn Managed A Restaurant......



If Jeremy Corbyn took over the restaurant (country) that David Cameron and George Osborne are currently running, would the customers have a fairer dining experience? Let's find out. I recall seeing a neat little illustration in an American paper about a year ago, which I can't quote verbatim, but the writer was using a pub illustration to show what the American tax system would be like in terms of a round of drinks. I've borrowed the idea, and tweaked it a bit to represent the British tax system, and replaced the pub with a restaurant.

Suppose that a group of ten people go out for a slap up three course meal and lots of drinks (for simplicity let's call them A-J), and at the end of the night the bill comes to £1000. Let's be creative and suppose that the restaurant manager charged them in the same way that the government taxes us. By my last check on the UK tax system, here's how the £1000 bill would be divided up, with A being the poorest person and J the richest, consistent with scale over the whole UK population.

A pays nothing
B pays nothing
C pays nothing
D pays nothing
E pays £10
F pays £30
G pays £70
H pays £120
I pays £180
J pays £590

As you can see, J, the richest person, picks up nearly 60% of the entire bill all by himself, with the four poorest diners paying nothing at all.

Now try this on for size. After the bill is paid, the owner decides to offer them a deal. On their next trip he will give them a 20% discount. On their next visit they consume the same again and receive a bill for £800. Once again, the restaurant manager charges them in the same way that the government taxes us. What has changed? Here's the new bill - it makes quite interesting reading:

A pays nothing
B pays nothing
C pays nothing
D pays nothing
E pays nothing
F pays £20
G pays £50
H pays £90
I pays £150
J pays £490

As you can see, E now joins A-D in paying nothing, F pays £20 instead of £30 (a 33% reduction), G pays £50 instead of £70 (a 28% reduction), H pays £90 instead of £120 (a 25% reduction), I pays £150 instead of £180 (a 17% reduction), and J, the richest diner, now pays £490 instead of £590 (a 16% reduction). When the bill is paid the diners discuss how the 20% discount has benefited them. After a lot of squabbling, J brings the table to silence by pointing out that the discount has disproportionately favoured the poorer diners, as each personal reduction was by a higher percentage the lower the earnings. E, who did pay £10 but now paid nothing enjoyed a 100% saving, whereas J who did pay £590 but now paid £490 only received a 16% saving.

Unfortunately we live in a society in which many of the population are more likely to complain the absurd - that these unfair tax breaks mean poor E only saved £10 whereas rich J saved £100, instead of looking at the situation with the proper context and perspective: that J's reduction was 84% smaller than E's, but even more noteworthy, that the only 'saving' J enjoyed was from paying just under 60% of the bill down to just under 50%.

I'd like you to remember this restaurant illustration the next time you feel compelled to shout that the rich get all the tax breaks. Especially remember the conclusion we just reached that if J doesn't turn up for the meal, the other nine diners couldn't even cough up enough for half the bill between them.

The scenario I just described is what the dining experience is like with David Cameron as the restaurant manager. I hope it doesn't require too much of your imagination to consider what the dining experience would be like if Jeremy "The Conservative restaurant is unfair" Corbyn took over as manager and tried to make things 'less unfair'.

Tuesday, 6 October 2015

Racism, Nationalism, And Why Britain Has Too Few Working Immigrants



Last night on BBC3 there was a programme called Is Britain Racist? It had all the predictable exhibitions of prejudiced behaviour, plus the reiteration of already quite well know facts about how we harbour subliminal racism based on an evolutionary legacy of groupism (the tendency to think and act as members of a group, and conform to group patterns).

Clearly, although we are evolutionarily primed for groupism, the best way to diminish human prejudices is to integrate, be kind and accepting, and look to mutually understand one another. Mobs that are overtly nationalistic have their priorities the wrong way around - they supplant ordinary acceptance of others in favour of prioritising country, when they should be supplanting passion for country in favour of acceptance of others. I'm talking here not of the divisive topic of immigration, about which I've blogged before and probably will again, but about how to treat people who are in this country.

Those that are overly-natavistic should give up this insidious nationalism: it is an unworthy demi-god that seductively calls for our allegiance by playing on our worst fears and insecurities. It is using 'nation' as a projection of the many ways humans can feel marginalised and hostile towards past issues they've never dealt with - most notably their inferiority complexes. Because you know really, what we attack is that which we hate, and what we hate is that which we fear - it is what Evelyn Waugh eloquently called 'The concealed malice of the underdog'.

All around us we see the United Kingdom becoming less united by the year. We have a Scotland whose citizens are getting more and more enchanted with independence, and surely will soon be breaking away. We have Wales, whose assembly is not independent, but many of whose citizens are enjoying the devolution of powers that will likely grow and grow into eventual independence too (unlike Scotland, however, the majority of people in Wales do not currently want independence, as they know they rely too much on money from central government, and are fully aware that they would be hopelessly poor without it). And lastly, we mustn't forget Northern Ireland - which, while much more peaceful in this present period, is still a hotbed of division and dissension, and is very hard to govern. Even England is experiencing a stratification between north and south, with London and the South East enjoying far more growth than other regions in the country.

To top it all, in this rather Disunited Kingdom, at least in terms of nation states, the speech today from Home Secretary Theresa May hasn't gone down too well due to her stirring up various divisive sentiments in terms of immigration. The reality is something you'll not hear a Tory say, but there is an awful lot of pressure on this country in terms of immigration, not because we have too many working immigrants, but because we actually have too few, coupled with an over-regulated economy that fails to enable market supply infrastructure to keep up with market demand infrastructure.  

The reason we have too few working immigrants is because we are going to keep needing a high immigration of low-skill workers to cope with the supply-side needs of the growth of large businesses, and also because the civil service desperately needs as many people as possible paying taxes in order to sustain the welfare payments to the rapidly increasing number of elderly folk and the welfare payments to the steadily increasing number of young people without the requisite education, literacy and numeracy skills to compete in the current labour market - people who are, I'm sad to say, likely to remain marginalised and forgotten in a subterranean subculture of welfare-dependency to which the government has no realistic antidote, and may never have.

Monday, 5 October 2015

Is Your Partner The Right One?



Did you make the right decision being with the partner you’re now with, or should you have chosen differently? After a bit of thought, this is the best question I’ve come up with that might get close to providing an answer. It’s a question you don’t even have to ask out loud – just ask yourself quietly and honestly, and I think you’ll know.

One more thing before we get to the question, if you are parents, it’s important that you ask it without any children in mind – you have to pretend they never existed, because if you are to accurately get the true answer, you have to ask the question about your partner with it being intrinsically about them and them only.

The Question
If you could go back to the beginning of high school and live your life again, but you can resume that life journey with the retention of all you currently know, would you do everything you could to ensure that you eventually found and end up with the beloved you are currently with?

I'd say those that can positively and definitely answer 'yes' are probably the ones with no regrets, fully satisfied with the person they chose to be with. And those that answer 'no' are probably not with the right person, and appear to have deep regrets about who they’ve ended up with.

That's the kind of seat of the pants reality testing you're going to get when my book on love is ready for human consumption! J

Saturday, 3 October 2015

Why Islamic State Is Politically Unsustainable



So Islamic State leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi wants to establish the Caliphate of all Caliphates, unleashing terror everywhere he can, and ruling Islamic State nations under the thrall of their terror-inducing regime. Ah, if only he was a bit more familiar with the works of Plato and Aristotle, or even a bit more cognisant of historical antecedents, he and his fellow Jihadi thugs would see that their aspirations of nation-ruling are unrealistic.

A general pattern throughout the history of military or political coups is that even when they are brutal and catastrophic for the citizens, they soon reach a point of levelling out, not least because it's nigh-on impossible to rule a country under continual internal barbarism and eradication of human rights for a sustainable period of time.
 
In other words, good conquerors, even Caliphs, totalitarian as they were, still allowed at least a semblance of autonomy and harassment-free administration of people. That's why, even though it is likely that these horrible terrorist groups will continue to pop up, the idea of ruling nations consistent with the backward, totalising, barbaric, freedom denying methods of Islamic State is wholly unrealistic.

 



Thursday, 1 October 2015

No, Britain Absolutely Should Not Pay Reparations For The Slave Trade




Jamaica's Prime Minister Portia Simpson Miller has called on David Cameron to personally apologise for Britain's role in the slave trade, and to even consider paying reparation money too. It was good that David Cameron uttered the words 'Jog on!', or words to that effect, because the idea of contemporary nations apologising or paying reparations for our ancestors' role in the historic slave trade is an ugly and egregious notion.

Now let's be absolutely clear: the slave trade was horrific, despicable and a truly abhorrent legacy for which some of our ancestors ought to have felt much shame, regret and contrition. But that sentiment must apply to - and only apply to - people who were personally involved, and people around at the time who didn't do enough to stop it - it is certainly not David Cameron's duty to apologise or offer financial restitution for these past crimes against humanity.

The very basis of contrition, regret and atonement is that we are moral agents who must take responsibility for our own actions, not the actions of people we've never met and to whom we have no personal connection.

But there is another point to this opprobrious news story: in asking us to live in the past, the valuable notion of 'moving on' and acknowledging the progress that has been made in the intervening time is being diminished, which to me smacks of treating the current people of Jamaica a little too trivially and disrespectfully. It sees to me rather patronising to talk of the citizens of Jamaica as being people so stuck in the past that they haven't moved on and are still preoccupied with righting the wrongs of history.

Perhaps they are, but I would like to think not: for if there is one valuable thing to be learned from being human it is that harbouring resentments from the past is rather like pouring hot coals on your own head and expecting it to burn the scalp of your enemy. Imagine how much that truism is magnified when the people who've done the wronging did so at a time when your grandparents weren't even born.

Wednesday, 30 September 2015

Contracting Birth Rates Mean The Gradual Fading Out Of The State



Numerous people in history have uttered the maxim that the measure of a civilised society is how it treats its weakest and most vulnerable members. The elderly are perhaps the best case in point, because children with all their life ahead of them are seen to have plenty of future value, whereas a society that maltreats elderly people may do so on the basis that they have little perceived societal worth.

We used to treat the elderly in ways that would make your blood boil. When we were in hunter-gatherer groups the elderly soon became a burden on the party, taking up resources, slowing them down, and being unable to contribute much by way of hunting or gathering. Consequently, it wasn't uncommon for older folk in the tribe to be starved to death, killed with a sharp or heavy object, left behind to die, or even eaten by some of the tribes with cannibalistic proclivities.

Nowadays we're doing better - we have a social services system that ensures there is adequate treatment for the elderly, and in places like Spain and Italy you'll often find the elderly living with the rest of the family, being cared for until they die. One day we might even allow people the dignity of assisted suicide - a present solecism for which future generations will surely look upon us with horror.

Yet in spite of best intentions, and all the progress we make ethically, there is still something that will cause us big problems in the future, and is starting to already. The problem in question is a financial discontinuity between the tax that can be gathered and the money needed to be gathered to sustain State-funded institutions like the NHS and pensions. When state pensions were first introduced there was an 8 to 1 worker to pensioner ratio. Currently there is a 3 to 1 ratio, but at some point that will be reduced, perhaps even to the point where there is just 1 worker for every pensioner. For this reason alone the NHS is only going to survive if it is fully privatised, which it pretty much will be in a few decades.

But the problem deepens because most developed countries have systems of welfare that depend on a growing population to sustain their workforce. Apparently, though, we're told that after a steady growth since 2001, the past three years have seen birth rates fall quite sharply (that's not to say this trend will continue). If birth rates continue to fall and life expectation continues to rise (both of which seem quite likely) then there will be relatively fewer workers paying taxes towards the NHS and pensions.

Because of this, taxes have been way too high, which negatively affects total revenue from earnings. Also the tax threshold for low earners is far too low, which means people in the lowest quintile are often not keeping enough of their wages, and some finding it is not worth their while being in work at all. There is no question about it: things cannot go on as they are - the State is going to have gradually unload its most costly institutions - institutions that were once affordable, but due to a very different ratio of workers to pensioners, no longer is.

Monday, 28 September 2015

Conflict Of Interest



One of the most important things anyone can master about economics is that prices are not just numbers, they are vital information carrying signals too. Prices are the result of billions of transactions all over the world, and while they are always in states of fluctuations, they are the only reliable mechanism for exhibiting economic value in society.

If the supply of oranges rises or falls relative to the demand for oranges, then the price of oranges will fall or rise accordingly. That falling or rising orange price is a signal to suppliers that they might be wise switching their business to something else or perhaps that they should augment their business. Governments are not very good in the supply and demand market, because any price fixing they do is bound to be either too low or too high (it is almost always too high).

Interest rates, like oranges, are subject to these fluctuations too. If savings are in scarce supply but there is a high demand for borrowing, then interest rates will rise. This will reduce demand for borrowing (because with compound interest borrowing is expensive) but it will also increase the incentive for savers (because people who save will get a better return on their money). As more money is saved, more capital becomes available to be loaned out, and the price (that is, the interest rate) will fall, making borrowing more enticing, and increasing demand for loans. Just like with oranges, the price of borrowing fluctuates in order that as closely as possible it matches savings supply with the credit demand.

Consequently, interest rates provide signals regarding the extent to which people are willing to forgo something in the present for something more desired in the future. So interest is basically a tax on borrowing, but you should know too that interest rates do not mean the 'price' of money as most people seem to think. They think in those terms because interest rates are mostly attached to borrowed sums of money (for a mortgage, a car, a university degree, and so on).

Remember though that although a bank loan appears in the form of money, it is usually spent within a few hours or days - and whoosh, it is back in the banking system in somebody else's account. Interest rates, then, are not to do with the price of money - they are to do with the price of consumption - what you buy with the money. The rate you pay in interest is the price of consumption now against future consumption. As an example, suppose you have £25,000 in your account and you buy a new kitchen tomorrow for £5000. You're left with £20,000, and you haven't had to borrow anything, so you've paid no surcharge on your consumption. But suppose instead that you have no savings but you want a new kitchen right away. You can borrow the £5000 with a 5% yearly interest rate and pay back £5250. The £250 surcharge is the price you've paid for consumption in the here and now.

Most people don't realise this - they see that the Bank of England sets interest rates and they assume it's to do with the price of money not the price of consumption. Interest rates are determined by banks, but they are based on the supply and demand related to consumption. Banks don't control people's supplies and demands, so ultimately they don't control interest rates, only at a proximal level. A ship's captain is in control of the ship, but he's not in control of the weather that controls the state of the ocean.

When interest rates are lowered a lot of keen borrowers come along to capitalise. To satisfy this demand the Bank of England must increase the money supply, which drives up prices. As people are borrowing to consume goods, not to store money, they will need more money, which the Bank of England must respond to with a further increase in the money supply, which further drives up prices, and round and round we go. To avoid hyperinflation the Bank of England raises interest rates again.

Suppose the government wastes £50 billion on a building a whole new railway project that never comes to fruition. The key of the cost is not the £50 billion in monetary terms - money is just an abstract concept - it is the cost of the materials and the labour that went with the project. The materials and the labour amount to a £50 billion deficit that could have been used elsewhere; building aircraft or improving sea defences, for example - so with fewer materials and labour available the British public has a deficit in what can be consumed - a £50 billion deficit to be precise. With 63 million people in the UK, the £50 billion costs each person just over £790.

Imagine you have some money you want to invest - in what should you invest: in consumable goods or services? Say it's in consumable goods, then ok, what kind? After all, car investment is a different investment to a sweet shop. In countries where governments mess around with interest rates, they distort the allocation of capital – investment doesn't consistently go to the optimal stages of production, which means we don't get ideal production of goods. That, in a nutshell, is why we shouldn't desire that governments set interest rates. For all his faults, Gordon Brown granted the Bank of England operational independence over monetary policy, which meant that politicians were no longer setting interest rates.

A lot of people hailed this move, but the trouble is it was only a step in the right direction, it didn't go far enough. It's better that banks set interest rates than politicians, but it's even better if interest rates are determined by the market rather than by the Bank of England.

The problem with governments or de facto government agencies like the Bank of England setting interest rates is that they don’t have the information signals they need to set the price correctly, any more than they would with oranges or kitchens. Because interest rates are prices for borrowing, they should be determined by the supply and demand market in exactly the same way that oranges and fridges are. It's only because most people don't see the 'price' factor of interest rates in the same way they see the 'price' factor of oranges and kitchens that see them differently. But the same principle still applies as in my opening paragraph: artificially setting prices, even interest rates, means things like consumer preferences, quantity of resources and risk levels are distorted.

In the banking sector, saving is simply the supply of new capital, and investment is the demand for new capital. They need to be equalised by market price mechanisms just as much as oranges or kitchens. What equalises the supply and demand for savings and investments is interest rates - it is simply the name for the price of borrowed capital. So when we read articles like this one in The Telegraph about how the Bank of England may need to push its interest rates into negative territory to fight off the next recession, we get a glimpse of one of the many problems that occurs when governments or government agencies mess around with the price system.

If interest rates are kept artificially low, this will increase the demand for government supplied capital and reduce supply of actual capital, which will increase levels of borrowing and discourage saving. Similarly, if interest rates are artificially high it distorts the levels of borrowing and savings the other way. Moreover, the injection of more money into the economy through quantitative easing creates the illusion of more capital only in the same way a bartender could create the illusion of more Jack Daniels by pouring some water in the half empty bottle.

 

Thursday, 24 September 2015

What's The Optimum Income Tax Rate? It Probably Will Surprise You To Know That It Is Zero



In a period of time in which Corbynomics has gained much electoral sway, and the man behind it, Richard Murphy, is talking about raising top rates of tax to the disastrously high levels we saw in the 1970s, it would be good to bring things back to reality by reminding everyone that the idea of taxing ourselves to prosperity is a ridiculous one that's been discredited at every turn in history. 

This is often brought up because of Chancellor Nigel Lawson's great reforming tax budget in 1988 where he famously cut top rates of tax from 60% down to 40% and saw increased economic growth and generated more tax revenue in the process. As you can see, in 1986-87 when the top rate was 60p, the richest 1% contributed just 14% of all income tax, whereas once the top rate was reduced from 60p to 40p, the proportion paid by the richest 1% soared to 21% where it stayed.

This is all about what's known as the Laffer curve, which shows the relationship between tax rates and the amount of tax the government collects. Obviously with the current system of fairly large government, 0% and 100% would bring in no income at all, with the optimum amount being somewhere in between. So if you start to increase it from 0% upwards you see an increase in tax revenue, but after a certain point the line will flatten and it will reach a point of declension when too high a tax rate discourages work and innovation, and encourages avoidance and evasion, makes some people leave the country, stops others from investing, and increases black market transactions too.

In this blog post I explained why the government tends to behave a bit like the mafia running a protection racket - they try to extract out of their victims as much as they can without extracting so much that they ruin their business and can no longer collect any money. Incidentally, the last time I checked, the Centre for Economics and Business Research (CEBR) calculated an optimal top tax rate of 36% - even lower than Lawson's great reforming tax.

No one knows, under the present system, exactly what the optimum top tax rate is, but all the evidence shows that high rates in the region of 60%-80% are ridiculously off the mark. We know that fairly recently when the top tax rate was reduced from 50p to 45p the Treasury received an extra £1.3 billion in income tax from the top earners. The ratio saw the top 1% contributing over 29% of the nation's income tax. Not only was it less when the rate was 50p, we can contrast it with the ratio in the 60p mid-eighties top rate when we had the top 1% contributing only 14% of the nation's income tax. You may also be interested to know that as things stand with the 45p tax rate, the tax gained from the top 1% is apparently at a record high. They earn 13% of the income but now pay 30% cent of income tax collected.  Even the top 0.1% (stress that's nought point one percent, not one percent) pay a comparably astronomical 14% of the total income tax paid, which is an increase by a factor of 140.

Consequently, the way the system is set up at present, my best guess for the optimal top tax rate would be somewhere between the CEBR's 36% and the current 45% rate - although in actual fact, I suspect that as the government continues to get smaller and smaller in the coming decades even 36% will seem unthinkably high - particularly if a little known and abstruse mathematical proof called the Chamley-Judd Redistribution Impossibility Theorem ever becomes more well known, as it demonstrates a proof that the optimum capital tax rate is zero, because it’s actually impossible to make the workers in an economy better off by taxing capital.

Finally, Arthur Laffer, on whose wisdom the aforementioned Laffer curve is based, looked thoroughly at specific US state tax policies against economic growth. It's no surprise that the USA saw the same kind of results that we saw in the UK:

"Laffer compared the nine states with no income tax with the nine states with the highest income tax rates over the last 10 years. The nine with no income tax have experienced higher revenue growth rates, higher productivity growth and lower unemployment growth. Similarly, he looked at the 11 states that have introduced a progressive income tax in the last 50 years. Each of those states has experienced a decline in gross state product as a share of the total U.S. product and a decrease in revenue as a share of the total state tax receipts. Laffer concluded that a tax structure that includes a progressive income tax “not only causes a state economy to grow more slowly, but leads to a lower standard of living, lower productivity growth, and thwarts expectations of revenues.”

Laffer, like most people who understand economics, advocates a low flat tax with no deductions as the best tax structure for economic growth. If only our politicians had the courage to put growth ahead of votes.

Tuesday, 22 September 2015

These Paroxysms Of Lust Over The Public Sector Are Truly Baffling



It constantly amazes me that there are still so many people in the UK who live under the long-refuted misapprehension that public services are better than the more competitive, efficiency-inducing private sector. Currently making the headlines at the minute is the news that if he got the chance Jeremy Corbyn will commit to bringing all rail franchises back into public ownership. I saw two articles out yesterday that give well-argued reasons why railway nationalisation is a bad idea – one from the Adam Smith Institute’s Eamonn Butler (see here), and one from the IEA’s Philip Booth (see here). I’ve also written a couple myself a while back, which you can see if you access my ‘Transport’ link on the side.

Despite many compelling arguments, one area that neither Mr Butler nor Mr Booth considered is the area of opportunity cost, which is what we consider when we factor in what isn’t done as well as what is. I'll explain. There's a well known comment by economist Milton Friedman who wanted to rebut the idea that if soldiers enlisted in the army for money rather than duty they would be mercenaries, because to join the forces for money casts an aspersion over their commitment and patriotism. Friedman refuted the idea that a paid volunteer in the army would be worse than a conscripted member by pointing out that compulsory conscription isn't impassioned patriotism either, as forced servitude also does not contain the volitional incentives for serving one's country with impassioned patriotism. Friedman said the following:

“In the course of his [General Westmoreland’s] testimony, he made the statement that he did not want to command an army of mercenaries. I [Milton Friedman] stopped him and said, ‘General, would you rather command an army of slaves?’ He drew himself up and said, ‘I don’t like to hear our patriotic draftees referred to as slaves.’ I replied, ‘I don’t like to hear our patriotic volunteers referred to as mercenaries.’ But I went on to say, ‘If they are mercenaries, then I, sir, am a mercenary professor, and you, sir, are a mercenary general; we are served by mercenary physicians, we use a mercenary lawyer, and we get our meat from a mercenary butcher.’ That was the last that we heard from the general about mercenaries.”

This kind of wisdom is the kind needed to show why proponents of government-run services overestimate the benefits and underestimate the costs. To show where they've gone wrong we need to see why the question of whether voluntarily paid soldiers or conscripted soldiers cost the nation more. Friedman showed that conscripted soldiers cost more by showing that costs are not the same as expenditure.

The expenditure of an army soldier is what he is paid in salary, whereas the cost of an army soldier is how much his being in the army robs society of the skills and abilities he could otherwise put in. Those who've chosen the armed forces are those who are getting paid for their chosen vocation; those who are conscripted are those who are now not free to do what they'd otherwise be doing.

When Elvis Presley was conscripted in the army, the cost of that conscription was whatever he didn't record or film whilst in there. If he'd been denied the reported $200,000 he was paid for shooting the film GI Blues then his conscription cost would have been $200,000, and the expenditure would have been whatever his military salary was (Muhammad Ali on the other hand refused to be conscripted on grounds of religious beliefs, which cost him personally his boxing title).

Alas, the politicians like Corbyn who are calling for re-nationalisation of the railways would do well to become mindful of the difference between costs and expenditure regarding government-run services. Not only do we see greater inefficiency and waste in government-run services due to the credit-guarantee that comes in the form of taxpayers, we see that government expenditure can't be considered without also considering cost too. The expenditure for nationalised railways is evident - although the extra costs, like pension contributions, sick pay, holiday pay, human resources costs, and so forth are usually overlooked, as are labour costs by being treated as beneficial jobs rather than expenditure (which is what they actually are). It's the costs that really bring about the inefficiency.

The cost of having 'conscripted' private sector employees in the railway is the cost of what they would be doing if they weren't being paid by the taxpayers. It's true some might be working in the rail industry, but they would be being paid by private company expenditure not taxpayers expenditure. So to put the analogy to effect in a more general sense, the cost of being nationalised is the cost borne by what those workers would otherwise be doing were they not funded by the taxpayer.

The other reality check pro-nationalisers need is over the issue of why the railways system is as it is. Train tickets are not priced as they are because there are private operators - they are priced as they are because the subsidies that used to keep the prices lower have been reduced. Whether the subsidy is increased or not, it is not an argument for re-nationalisation, which means running at a loss for the taxpayer, and more inefficiency too.

It's true that rail fares have crept up, and it's true that trains are delayed, they break down, tracks get damaged, and carriages get overcrowded, but to think that these problems are caused by not having the government in charge of the railways is really quite ludicrous. Consider prices – everyone’s favourite complaint. The complaint the rail fares are hugely overpriced, and that a government-run service would bring this back in check is overinflated, because the current profit margin for train operating companies is only between 3% and 5%. Ignore the fact that if the government makes no margin it becomes a very precariously run (and costly) enterprise – at 5% profit margins, a reduction of up to 4% on your train ticket is hardly going to amount to the kind of huge saving many imagine.

As for the issue of over-crowding (another favourite from people who think the trains run inefficiently), they may have missed the fact that the railway network is, actually, nationalised, it is only the train services operations that are tendered out privately. Given the limit on how many trains can viably enter a station at any one time, it is foolish to blame the private franchises for over-crowding. If anything, the sensible pricing that offers cheaper off-peak fares for people who are less price-sensitive or able to travel more leisurely under fewer time constrictions is exactly the kind of competition customers ought to value.

Consider that the government runs a comprehensive school monopoly and there is a shortage of teachers, but that shortage hasn't hiked up teachers' pay. Doctors, surgeons, lawyers and accountants all work in a prolonged qualification-based arena in which it is hard for competing forces to challenge, and that is not due to privatisation, it is due to scarcity. Also, scarcity power (which is what makes prices high) is not absent in government monopolies any more than private monopolies.

The paradox of competitive private industry is that it often starts as a nationalised company (as all the providers in the UK did - electricity, gas, telephones, water, etc), because otherwise there are few providers able to build the initial infrastructure to get their business off the ground. Generally, without governments' anti-monopoly policies one firm would rule because it costs so much to start a business that competition ends up costing too much to compete. For example, suppose no one was providing any large-scale water supplies around the UK. Thinking of economies of scale - to produce tap water, an aspiring water company had to invest in a huge network of water pipes stretching throughout the country. The fixed cost of this investment is very high. However, once in place any company that can distribute water to tens of millions of households brings the average cost down. Yet it often would not be worth another water company building another network of water pipes to compete with the existing company, because if they only got a small share of the market, the average cost would be very high and they would go out of business This is an example of a natural monopoly – but these largely occur when the goods or services provided are not fungible (see below).

That's why it's not always bad when the government first owns the means of production and then gets to the stage where it can sell off the rights of provision to competing companies, whilst stipulating a rule that they must compete for shares in the existing infrastructure.

What conditions this process is whether or not the good or service is a fungible one – by which we mean whether or not that good or service is easily replaceable in competition. The trouble with rail is that it is not a fungible good in the same way that food, clothes or cars are. If you need to take the train to London to Norwich you can't suddenly decide to purchase a vacuum cleaner instead and still get to Norwich, whereas if you're hungry and on arrival you find that sausage rolls at the station are too expensive you can buy some fruit from the nearby supermarket. Similarly, if the price of BMWs or leather jackets become undesirable, there are plenty of other alternatives you can seek, like Fords, Vauxhalls, wool or denim.

With trains things are not quite the same. The only competition for your train fare is other transport alternatives – driving, getting the bus, or occasionally cycling. But the competition in the railway services is not fungible: if you’re at Norwich station looking to get the 7:20am to London, you will not have a choice of trains like you will a choice of snacks and drinks in the nearby shops. A private monopoly or cartel that provides a service (like trains to 25 million people) is very hard to break, as competition for such a service is hard to generate. It's very costly to start up a rival firm to provide 25 million rail customers, and any small firm can be swallowed by being bought out by offering shareholders bigger shares in the larger company, as SKY TV did. Moreover, the fact that profit margins are under 5% shows that rail travellers are not getting ripped off - it is just simply the case that railway services are very expensive to run, they require lots of investment, and are large scale operations - and as such, they need to be run with the kind of efficiency that only the private sector is going to deliver.

Sunday, 20 September 2015

My Favourite Metaphor For Evolution



Scientists have just published an incredible 'Tree of life' for 2.3 million species - a grand achievement in itself (see link at the bottom of the page). The tree of life is one of the very apt metaphors for evolution of life on this planet over several billion years - the other one is the web of life. Both are good in their own way of metaphorically illustrating patterns of evolution from the origin of life right through to the rich variety of life seen today - all of which share the same common ancestry.

My favourite metaphor, though - one which I don't think anyone else has used in relation to biological evolution - is what I call the 'cloud metaphor' for evolution. Scientifically the water cycle is an easily conceivable pattern. Our sun heats the earth’s water; water evaporates into vapour into the air; clouds are formed after the air currents that take the vapour up into the cooler atmosphere condense; those clouds precipitate after growth and collisions in the higher atmosphere, producing a water cycle for the earth. The cloud metaphor based on that cycle is already a very popular one in common parlance. We have distilled terms like ‘casting a cloud’ over a situation, to mean a negative occurrence, or ‘clouded’ to become troubled, or ‘cloudy’ blurred, or ‘clouded’ in suspicion. Nowadays we even have cloud-computing and web data stored in the 'clouds'. How can we apply that to biological evolution?

In the material realm of physics, chemistry and biology, metaphors are there to provide illustration and visualisation to mathematical models. In evolution we are used to the tree of life or web of life metaphors, because the phylogenetic 'tree of life' is good for studies of taxa and the many ancestral lineages (although in some cases, with cladistic ‘hierarchies’ it may be difficult to practically place species in their correct topological relations, even though the theoretics are robust).  But as for evolution as a whole, in what they call 'morphospaces' - a term coined by Matt Ridley - one can zoom in further on the mathematical details, whereupon we find my cloud metaphor comes into its own. I find it to be a beautiful metaphor, and I suspect the only reason we don’t use it much is because its complexity is difficult to conceive. 

Trees of life provide easy branching effects, whereas clouds of probability are much more like the studies of equilibrium and disequilibrium in thermodynamics, where small pockets of order cause slowly populated genetic algorithms that facilitate evolution. This is like a ‘cloud’ of probability searching the space and finding the states of survival systems.  Clouds, of course, are dynamic objects - they do not have a singular position or formation, they have no single coordinate or single velocity - they have a smeared formation over a complex volume of activity and internal movement, and they are continually in states of probability, which makes the metaphor for evolution at a mathematical level particularly compelling because it aptly describes how the laws of physics direct the evolutionary process, as random walk statistics are factored into the dynamics of the probability cloud. Because the laws of physics are driving evolution in morphospace, it means that the particular mathematical weighting on the construction paths is providing those stable pathways, due to the search space being severely skewed by the constraints placed on the system by the laws of physics.

So where in the tree of life metaphor, addition, subtraction and division would be modelled on natural selection, mutations and the consequent genetic variation – in the cloud metaphor it is more closely related to computations that program genetic algorithms, and the laws of physics acting as the programmer.  With this one mass of vapour that we observe in nature’s water system we can constructed a very rich and diverse range of metaphorical ideas from what we observe in nature.

  * Here is the full 'Tree of life' article

Friday, 18 September 2015

Let's Finally End This Myth About Thatcher



When myths are widespread, it's good and necessary to prick the balloon of illusion. Perfect cases in point are these anti-Thatcher memes that used to pervade through the jungle of left wing social commentary. Given that all of the world's most successful economies got the way they did by adopting the things Thatcher espoused*, one would think it should be rare to meet people who are still aboard the anti-Thatcher bandwagon. However, to my surprise I met someone last week who believes Thatcher ruined our economy and made people generally worse off through her industrial policies. When I shared this on Facebook it emerged from the resulting thread that this anti-Thatcher rhetoric is still alive and kicking.

Alas, anyone with even the sketchiest understanding of economics would know why this myth should have long been put to bed. The reality is, the reason Thatcher's economy was a terrific success was largely down to her government’s understanding of the relevance of the works of the likes of Smith, Ricardo, Bastiat, Hayak and Friedman - which, to put in a nutshell, state that global trade, competition, private industry, low taxes, a small State and hard work are the key tenets to a successful economy. It was because of the Conservatives' embracing of these qualities that, despite popular myths to the contrary, Britain actually manufactured more under the Thatcher years than in the decades that bookended her time in office, and increased its public spending in that time period too.

Since the Second World War, and the foundations laid down by the Clement Atlee socialist government, Britain had been awash with economic hardship and putrid nationalisation projects that were being choked by overly-powerful unions. This went on until the 1979 Thatcher years, when she and her party upset a lot of people by transforming an economically impotent Britain into one of the world's economic superpowers again**. It's true that a lot of this comes from, and remains in, London and the South East - but power law distributions make this unsurprising - the whole point is that Britain is an economic powerhouse once again, and it's largely thanks to Thatcher's terms in office in allowing the free market to bear the fruits it couldn't under a stultified socialistic system.

What needs to be grasped is that although the industries most constantly talked about (like coal and steel) declined as a proportion of the aggregate economy, other sectors (like service industries) expanded. To capture the point, next time you’re in London – the country’s economic epicentre – have a walk around and see how many sectors are providing steel, coal and timber compared with service-based goods.

You might also like to note that this isn't a pro-Thatcher bias - the exact same thing happened in all the other prosperous economies too - it's just the way the world was changing. When steel and coal industries declined across Europe and America, that declension was offset by huge expansion in service industries, in every case making the countries in which this was happening richer. The Thatcher government had a strategy to discontinue unprofitable industries - as all governments should with their responsibility to its taxpayers - because despite emotional attachments up north, this unprofitability couldn't carry on under the pretext of it being British unprofitability (replace 'British' with 'white men' and see how it sounds a lot like racism)

The reality is that due to the changing landscape, Britain's coal industry had been declining long before Thatcher. In fact, it's quite famously known that more coal pits were closed under Wilson's Labour governments than under the Tory Thatcher's ones. The reason is obvious - but also widespread across other advanced economies - we saw not only the rise of cheaper coal abroad, but also the rise of first oil and then gas and later nuclear as less ecologically unfriendly sources of power. With that comes a decline in industries that relied on coal, in favour of industries that relied on oil and gas.

A few crazy trade unionists would have preferred to have kept subsidising inefficient and less profitable coal mines (and have the taxpayer pay to prop them up), all in name of Britishness, but as well as sounding a lot like racism to me, it is certainly illogical and economically short-sighted.

I don't dispute that much of what happened to the UK under Thatcher was a hard pill for many to swallow, as jobs were lost, families broken up, communities' clubs shattered, and so forth - but equally what holds us together is going to have to be much more than industrial nationalism. In global economies, climates change all the time - and we humans have to adapt to those changes. Coal mines were shut down because coal could be bought cheaper from abroad. Cheaper coal is better than expensive coal for the one buying it, irrespective of the country from which it happens to come. Trade should have no national preferences, and generally coal mining in the UK is expensive compared to open cast mines in countries such as China, Russia, India, Australia, and Indonesia. It’s the old Adam Smith wisdom again - you can try to produce wine in Scotland, but much better to produce it in vineyards in sunnier countries like France and Italy.

What’s usually the case, as is with Thatcher’s critics, is that they have missed most of the costs and mistaken the benefits for costs, by having too narrow a vision in supporting the parts of the economy that are not healthy (which not-coincidentally, often seem to be the particular industries in which they find themselves). It's no use being emotionally affiliated to an industrial factory that's costing us money just because it happens to be one’s own, or because it happens to be based in one's own country

The argument that supports why enhancing the global connectivity is good for all economies is the same argument that supports why market economics on a global scale is more efficient than the Darwinian natural selection model for economics, and why Thatcher's critics have got it wrong - it is the efficiency of the relationship between prices, supply and demand. It is foolish and impractical to favour bailing out and propping up industries in Britain, when Britain (and the rest of the world) can benefit more greatly (and has benefited more greatly) from the efficiency of the relationship between prices, supply and demand on a global scale. Making good use of the efficiency of the relationship between prices, supply and demand on a global scale is the more or less the same as making good use of the efficiency of finding improved technology. Whenever a government departs from this mandate by trying to artificially improve industries on the basis that they happen to be 'our national industries' (as the Labour Government of the 1970's tried to do) it only succeeds in diminishing the extent to which opportunities to improve everyone's welfare exists.

Competitive markets is what brings about the allocation of resources with maximum efficiency.  Adam Smith showed in his seminal Wealth Of Nations that the different ways to allocate resources is only maximised to the best effect when competitive markets function freely (for further reading, this has also been proven mathematically by Debreu and McKenzie). 

There may be plenty of reasons to criticise Mrs Thatcher – but claiming she ruined our industry is not one of them – because, in fact, the opposite is true; she helped enhance our economy in ways that seemed unlikely in 1979.  To criticise her for that is as foolish as criticising all the people driving safely in China and India because you happen to prefer car crashes in Britain.

There is one simple reason why British manufacturing of consumable goods has gone downhill, and if you don't get this point you're not getting the whole picture; manufactured goods acquired from other countries makes Britain richer as well as making the exporting countries richer too. In the vast majority of cases the price system in the competitive marketplace couldn’t have favoured the companies that are no longer manufacturing in Britain – quite simply because consumers started to buy from cheaper manufacturers abroad.

Let me offer a schoolboy example that shows the logic is correct. Pretend that instead of two countries we have two schools – School A and School B, neither of which is permitted to trade with the other. Johnny at School A has a monopoly on pencil cases. Johnny can sell Billy a pencil case for £5. Now because of a new policy which enables School A to trade with School B, Billy can now buy a pencil case from Charlie in School B for £3. Johnny has two choices, he can match Charlie’s £3 selling price or he can find something else to trade in. If he chooses the latter he will ensure he is no worse off than a £2 loss, otherwise he might as well choose to match Charlie’s £3. So the worst case scenario is that Johnny carries on trading, losing £2 per unit. Billy’s £2 gain matches Johnny’s £2 loss, so there is no net gain or loss. But now consider Freddy at School A.  Freddy, who was never willing to pay £5 for a pencil case, buys one for £3 from Charlie in School B, and goes home happy (as does Charlie with another sale). 

Billy’s gain and Johnny’s loss cancel each other out, but Charlie’s gain amounts to a net gain.  The logic is compelling and simple – in net terms both School A and School B benefit from being able to trade with each other. Instead of two schools, relate that model to every country in the world, multiply that simple pencil case model by factors of billions to allow for an open and competitive market, and different countries’ resources, strengths and geographical positions, and it is obvious that each country benefits from unconstrained trade potential. 

But that’s not the whole story; I have only said why free international trade is good for economies. There is another important factor in this picture – impeding the process of free international trade actually harms the people the government wants to protect – its own industry (and thus, its own citizens). Here’s how it happens. Let’s use a simple and extreme illustration to explain what is a more complex but no less valid truth about why government interference is bad.

Let’s suppose there is a car factory in Newcastle that isn’t doing as well as the Executives or the Government would like, due to consumers’ preference for cars in Japan. The Government introduces a policy that favours car production in Newcastle over car imports from Japan.  How on Earth could that not be good for the British economy – Britain’s gain is Japan’s loss, right? Wrong. Quite simply, what you put into the pockets of the car factory in Newcastle you take out of someone else’s pockets elsewhere in Britain (as well as having people probably paying more for their cars). Consider Slough’s boiler factory; what you don’t see is an almost invisible chain of events; the boilers made in Slough are shipped off to Japan and sold to a company that makes its money producing nuclear reactors, the buyers of which are companies who trade in mineral oils, and those companies deal with companies who make cars in Japan and ship them to Britain. 

In other words, there is a complex economic process that is going on outside of your peripheral vision, whereby both the car factory in Newcastle and the boiler factory in Slough are both bringing cars into Britain. That is to say, if you protect the car factory in Newcastle from competition you must damage Slough’s boiler factory because somewhere down the line they are the competition. So the next time you hear a politician announcing how much he or she wants to do to protect British producers in one industry from foreign competition, be aware that he or she is unknowingly proposing an action that hurts other industries in Britain, and amounts to a net loss in economic efficiency. 

Finally, I'll leave you with a passage I wrote in this blog about the benefits of global trade and how it is similar to the innovations of new technology:

"Finding someone who will do the job for less is a good thing for the economy in a similar way to how improving technology is good for the economy (and in most cases it’s a good thing for the person doing the work too – because having accepted the lower wage job, one presumes he did so because the terms offered were an improvement on his situation prior to accepting it).  In fact, not only is finding someone who will do the job for less a good thing for the economy in a similar way to how improving technology is a good thing for the economy - they are more or less the same thing.  Here’s why. 

Suppose you have a car factory in Manchester, and on the staff team you have 3 innovative engineers; Tom, who designs a machine that assembles the engine valves 25% quicker than the current machine; Dick, who synthesises two compounds that vastly improves the engine oil’s ability to clean the engine; and Harry, whose newly constructed equipment can make seatbelt holders at £2.60 per item cheaper than the current equipment.  I think you’ll agree that those three advances have improved the car factory in Manchester.  And having agreed, it stands to reason that if you want to be consistent you are compelled to agree that finding cheaper ways to employ people is also good for the economy, because it’s the same thing.

When we outsource the work attached to call centres, medical data analysis, computer software design, electrical engineering, and so forth, we are doing something very similar to Tom, Dick and Harry’s improvements in the car factory in Manchester.  That’s the wisdom that it seems too many people miss; new business and trading links across the world are good for the world as a whole, just as new technological innovations are good for the world as a whole.  Hopefully in our lifetime we will get to live in a world in which we see the end of discrimination against total strangers because they happen to live in another humanly constructed geographical border.  Economics favours it, and so does human kindness and decency."

* This is about the empirical nature of economics and the results seen globally when governments learn how to engender freer trade, less state interference, lower tax thresholds, fewer barriers to trade, removal of cronyism and other vested interests and the encouragement of competition. Off the top of my head the two countries that are not embroiled in major instability or civil war but that have departed furthest from those qualities are countries like Cuba and Venezuela - and one can see clearly how undesirable it would be to live in either of those places (you might add North Korea to that too).

** Then Labour, particularly under the Brown era, tried to repeat the mistakes of the 1970s, with irresponsible spending and unmindful borrowing concealed by stealth taxes and misjudged accounting, injecting copious amounts of credit into the system which gave false signals about the cheapness of money and prudent borrowing.
/>