The LSE (the
London School of Economics) recently published a drastically flawed report on
Labour's spending from 1997 to 2010 entitled Did Labour's social policy programme work?. Their conclusion is that it did work - and they proffer several examples of why this is the case (a
conclusion supported by The Guardian's Polly Toynbee in this article). Now I fully expect Polly Toynbee
to be getting things like this wrong - she is very prone to this - but the
drastic flaw that underlies the report is not something one should expect from
the researchers at the LSE.
Here’s what's wrong with it
(and I had to read it twice to make sure I hadn't missed it somewhere in the
text - but I hadn't) - in asking whether Labour's spending from 1997 to 2010 'worked' it fails
to mention what should be the most important part of the inquiry - what it
actually means to say spending 'worked'. Reading
between the lines, all the report says is that Labour spent more on X, Y and Z,
and as a consequence had more of X, Y and Z.
Well 'No kidding!' Sherlock! - but that doesn't tell us whether the
spending worked, and it is certainly no justification for claiming that the period from 1997-2010 was
successful spending by Labour.
The way to measure whether
spending has brought about value for money is by what is called ‘consumer
surplus’ - which is the amount spent against the perceived value of the thing
purchased. Suppose that tomorrow Pete
gives Ted £75 and tells him to buy something on which he thinks Pete would have
willingly spent the money. With the £75 Ted spends all the money on a portable
DVD player. If Pete would have paid £100 for the portable DVD player and he
actually paid £75 (via Ted) then the consumer surplus is £25. When a
consumer has £25 consumer surplus that means £25 of consumer surplus has been
contributed to society, and the spending has therefore 'worked'. If Pete would
only have paid £30 for the £75 portable DVD
player then Ted's spending hasn't 'worked' for Pete.
To apply that to government spending and taxpayers' benefits; the more the societal consumer surplus the more the Labour government's increased spending has
'worked'. It's true the Labour government spent a lot on education, health,
transport, home affairs, and so on, but the spending could only be deemed to be
successful if what was spent on these things was less than, or at the very least equal to, what would have been
spent by consumers. In the same way
that I asked whether Pete had consumer surplus on the portable DVD player
transaction, the LSE researchers should not even begin to assess whether
Labour's spending 'worked' without asking the most important question of whether
the taxpayers had consumer surplus on the Labour spending.
In other words, it just won't do to ask whether Labour's spending provided increased education, health, transport and home affairs benefits - the only important thing is whether the spending provided a level of improvement that would have been optimally chosen by the taxpayers, or whether they'd have been better off with lower spending and more money in their pockets.
In other words, it just won't do to ask whether Labour's spending provided increased education, health, transport and home affairs benefits - the only important thing is whether the spending provided a level of improvement that would have been optimally chosen by the taxpayers, or whether they'd have been better off with lower spending and more money in their pockets.
Let's return to Pete's situation to show how silly the inquiry is without considering consumer surplus; if I take £150 out of Pete's bank account, and buy him a
portable DVD player on Amazon for which he would have only paid £100, then the
spending hasn't worked for him. It would be ridiculous of me to then publish an
article saying my spending had 'worked' for Pete because he increased his
expenditure on Amazon and got a brand new portable DVD player in return. That's
what the LSE have done - it's an error one wouldn't expect from them. Instead
of asking whether the 'beneficiaries' would have willingly paid for the things
on which Labour spent all that extra money the LSE asked what Labour wanted the
taxpayers to get from government spending, and then concluded that because
Labour wanted them to get the extra expenditure on education, health,
transport, home affairs, then that spending must have worked. That is the kind
of inquiry that is beyond ineffectual.
Two further
things. In the first place, I actually think a lot of Labour's spending between
1997 and 2010 was wasteful - too much of it went to costly PFI groups, over-expensive consultants
and general profligacy, and not enough
of it went on the front line services. And in the
second place, it seems clear to me that the enquiry to work out whether the
taxpayers attained an overall surplus on Labour's spending is an
all-but-impossible pursuit - given the level of, and presumably largely
differing, opinion needed to be solicited, and then measured up against actual
costs and benefits of the spending in every area - no research group would ever
get a handle on such a complex nexus.
So in all probability, even if the LSE had sought to include the very essential 'consumer surplus' factors on which the inquiry should have hinged, they would have found that such an enquiry was too complex to elicit even near-precise conclusions, which renders their research project "Did Labour's social policy programme work?" ineffectual and inadequate to the task.
So in all probability, even if the LSE had sought to include the very essential 'consumer surplus' factors on which the inquiry should have hinged, they would have found that such an enquiry was too complex to elicit even near-precise conclusions, which renders their research project "Did Labour's social policy programme work?" ineffectual and inadequate to the task.